Editor’s Intro:

The passages in this post are the position pieces and introductory thoughts of our speakers. They are responding to initial concerns regarding the general perception of Carnival celebrations from the limited perspective of outside spectators. Carnival, according to our speakers, has a history of political protests, activism, and being a cathartic experience for newly freed peoples in the Caribbean. This conversation is an attempt to expose readers to the history and nature of Carnival in the Caribbean. Enjoy!

Giselle Anatol, English Department

Trinidad’s Carnival and other similar festivals around the Caribbean are often viewed through a tourist gaze: they are seen as either whimsical or decadent celebrations involving lively music, “jump-up” and dancing, vibrant colors, skimpy costumes, and plenty of rum in the sun. Exploring Carnival’s long-standing history, however, as an event tied to political resistance and cultural rebellion is essential to gaining fuller understanding of the celebration and Caribbean citizens’ struggle for cultural recognition and validation. Anatol’s presentation will take a brief look at three pieces of Caribbean literature that refer to Carnival culture—V.S. Naipaul’s vignette “B. Wordsworth” from Miguel Street , Derek Walcott’s epic poem Omeros , and Nalo Hopkinson’s science fiction novel Midnight Robber (2000)—for examples of how subverts the norms established during colonial rule.

Timmia Hearn, Theatre & Dance Department

Trinidad and Tobago Carnival is, in the words of Caribbean scholar and theatre maker Errol Hill, “undoubtedly the greatest annual theatrical spectacle of all time”. The earliest Carnival Masqueraders in Trinidad were primarily held by and participated in by landed and slave-owning French whites and free “colored” people, who dressed up and celebrated in the form of balls imported from Europe. With the coming of Emancipation from enslavement for people of African descent in 1834, the Carnival in Trinidad began to change. Post-Emancipation Carnival mocked the European aristocracy, and the freed people developed a series of characters, known as “Old Mas” through which people performed political and social commentary. “Mas” is a Caribbean Creolization of the concept of “Masquerade”, combined with other performance forms brought by the different peoples who make up Trinbagonian culture: African, Indian, Chinese and Amerindian.

Jouvay Popular Theatre Practice (JPTP) grew out of the intersection between Carnival and Western theatre in the practice of artist/scholar/playwright Tony Hall. JPTP is named for Jouvay, the start of Carnival, where masqueraders dance to the sunrise. JPTP is an Emancipatory practice through which performers strive to free themselves from narratives and conceptions of selfhood, otherness, and truth, which are perpetuated by hegemonic structures of knowledge production. Utilizing a postcolonial theoretical framework, Timmia’s presentation explores the intersection of Western theatre and Carnival in Trinidad and Tobago, how these two performance traditions have influenced each other, and what they, separately and collectively, say about hegemonic power structures, and the politics of post-colonial cultural creation locally and globally.

Timmia argues that JPTP provides a blueprint for ways in which, as more and more Caribbean people continue to move abroad, the inevitable interweaving of cultural practices which has occurred in post-colonial spaces can be and is being used to innovate modes of critique and artistic in(ter)vention to disrupt repetitive patterns of hegemony, and to engender transformation. JPTP was developed between the Diaspora and the Caribbean, and continues to be used both inside and outside of the region. Timmia discusses ways in which this framework can interact with theatrical traditions in the United States, asking the question: who can benefit from this performance framework, and how?

Cécile Accilien, Institute of Haitian Studies and African and African American Studies

For many people in Haiti, Carnival or Kanaval as it is known in Haitian Creole is a celebration that is as important as independence day embodying social, religious, cultural and political elements. Many carnival bands are funded and supported by businesses, wealthy families and the Haitian government. Music is essential to Haiti’s carnival. Groups perform various types of music ranging from konpa, mizik rasin and rap kreyòl. Carnival is also an opportunity for music groups to gain public exposure and perform at large venues. During carnival groups such as T-Vice, Krezi Mizik, Djakout Mizik and Team Lobèy parade through the streets of Champ de Mars in Haiti’s capital dur. Carnival also provides a space to critique the government and upper-class Haitians. For instance in 1997 during the Preval government the unofficial carnival song was titled “Gran Manjè” literally “Rich Eater” or overeater, an allegorical way to refer to the blatant corruption of the government and rich Haitians.

Carnival is serious business and has a long history going back to the period of slavery. Even after the earthquake of January 12, 2010 some people still celebrated carnival although there were less participants.  The largest Mardi Gras celebration is in Port-au-Prince.  However, the Southern city of Jacmel also has an important carnival. Known for its papier-mâché masks, Jacmel’s carnival is an international affair. Throughout the year artists in their ateliers make masks representing mythical birds, giant fruits and lwas (Vodou spirits). Carnival spans over several weeks starting in January leading to Mardi Gras or Fat Tuesday.

One of the most interesting aspects of carnival celebration in Haiti is Rara which are processions that happen during the Lenten season and especially during Easter Week. Rara is a form of festival music. There are several Rara bands and parades. The Rara music is usually mizik angage or mizik rasin (roots or protest music) where groups critique the government, make fun of politicians and raise consciousness about events that took place the year before socially and politically. The Rara groups are also very vocal in their critic of issues such as political oppression, poverty and inequality. Rara songs are in Haitian Creole, the language that all Haitians speak. The instruments used in the bands include a type of cylindrical bamboo trumpets known as vaksin (vaccine) as well as drums, maracas, metal bells and metal trumpets made from recycled metals.

Rara is a unique carnival celebration in Haiti due in part to the fact that it is intrinsically connected to the Vodou religion. Rara has its roots from rural areas of andeyò (literally outside).  Rara bands play an important role in politics. At its origins, Rara is also a way to commemorate Haiti’s slave revolt. It is believed that Rara developed during the period of slavery where slaves would parade in the street with their drums and other musical instruments during Easter Sunday. Modern day Rara bands are also sometimes commissioned by specific politicians who want to move their own agenda. In the diaspora especially in places such as Prospect Park (located in Brooklyn New York) group of Rara bands meet on Sundays during the summer to perform.